Foreign policy has come home to roost; Western populations in the bullseye
- A perpetrator of the Vietnam war, he won a Nobel Peace Prize for ending it
- His Latin American coups, expecially Chile, aligned with CIA protection of Nazis
- 1974 ‘Kissinger Report’ said population growth threatened U.S. national security
- The Western elite wanted more natural resources, especially from poor countries
- It is contiguous with Third Reich social Darwinism, eco-fascism and techocracy
- But bereft of respect even for their own people, in a post-industrial world
- Kissinger was a stepping stone in the abasement of principle to commercial goals
- He was a blend of his mentors, Fritz Kraemer and the Rockefellers’ John McCloy
- In turn Kissinger tutored Klaus Schwab, ensuring the project endures
Exactly 20 years ago Heinz “Henry” Kissinger’s mentor Fritz Kraemer died. Often seen with his trademark monocle, he was thought to be the model for Dr Strangelove.
They had met in 1944 at a U.S. Army camp during World War II. Refugees from Germany, they are often written about as fellow anti-Nazis. It is taken as read that this means they were anti-authoritarians. But the relationship — as we saw with George Soros, and as we are watching with the unfolding of the Zionist project — is more complex than that.
It is impossible to explain to someone raised through modern Western education that the world is not run by people who share their easy choices of good and bad, black and white.
Kraemer was described in The Washington Post in 1975 by Nick Thimmesch as intensely moral, with “a code of honor, duty and patriotism quite similar to that which Prussian officers lived by.”
He would object to the concessions Kissinger offered North Vietnam — failing to insist on a withdrawal from South Vietnam — in order to secure a peace deal by the 1972 presidential election. Such politicking led to the fracturing of a close bond.
But long before that, aged 16, Kraemer had formed a world view not so alien to the Western establishment. He had been sent by his Anglophile mother to school in England, and later attended, in the late 1920s, that pillar of Fabian globalism, the London School of Economics.
Kraemer witnessed the degeneracy of Weimar-era Berlin: the “rich people wearing diamonds in their hair, not knowing they were applauding their ultimate end.” He saw the aristocratic conservatives in his German Nationalist Party make an opportunistic alliance with Hitler against Bolshevism.
Kraemer is said to have fled Germany in 1939. He later returned as a U.S. soldier and was captured in the Battle of the Bulge. He told his German captors that defeat was imminent and secured their surrender, for which he was awarded a Bronze Star.
He is credited with promoting Kissinger, 15 years his younger, in U.S. counter intelligence. The men remained close until the mid-1970s when Kissinger approached détente with the Soviet Union, with which Kraemer disagreed. According to Dr Walter Judd, Kraemer saw “communism’s diabolical character, especially in that it denies that man is anything more than an animal.”
The patrician Kraemer had been denied a haven by Britain in the 1930s, and took work as a farm labourer in New Hampshire. Kissinger had fled Germany as a Jew, and would seek to climb harder and faster, especially after in Harvard he became a consultant to the Rockefellers.
Nick Thimmesch captured the difference thus, in a 1975 article:
“Kraemer is a patriot and a tough Prussian,” says Judd. “He knows that Kissinger is still psychologically under the spell of the Nazi Gestapo, and this makes him insecure. Kissinger still looks over his shoulder to make sure he isn’t being followed, or isn’t being criticized.”
Though doubting the strength of Kissinger’s character these days, Kraemer feels compassion for him, explaining that Kissinger suffered so much as a child in Germany.
Another friend of Kraemer assesses their present relationship this way:
“Kraemer is a patriot who believes in God. Kissinger is an opportunist who is an agnostic, maybe an atheist. Kraemer knows Kissinger is out of control now, but because Kraemer believes in metaphysics, a moral order, he still has hopes for Kissinger. It’s a fascinating situation.” 
Kraemer remained an idealist. Kissinger was willing to play both sides and that is where the paradoxical overlap of Nazi and Zionist ethno-nationalism comes into view, especially as Kissinger was working for the Rockefeller oil, pharma, banking cartel.
Kissinger sought reconciliation with America’s adversaries, including the USSR — periodic war and reconciliation, followed by renewed war: is that not the bankers’ model.
Another essential name is Allen Dulles, a founder of the Office of Strategic Services and first head of the Central Intelligence Agency. Dulles is closely associated with Rockefeller interests through the Dulles’ family law firm, Sullivan and Cromwell.
Dulles would handle Indonesia, where the Rockefellers had found gold and ample deposits of sweet crude (oil low in sulphur and thus cheaper to refine). However to get their hands on it the colonial rulers had to go — the Dutch in Indonesia as the French in Vietnam.
As for the local people, they were to be used as a pretext, at best collateral damage, at worst fodder for mutual extermination.
In Greg Poulgrain’s book, The Incubus of Intervention: Conflicting Indonesia Strategies of John F. Kennedy and Allen Dulles, the bankers, oilers and miners are never far in the background. As he told Edward Curtin in a 2016 interview:
“The potential wealth of the archipelago, particularly oil and minerals, caught the attention of Allen Dulles as a lawyer in the 1920s. He was representing Rockefeller Oil interests against Henri Deterding, the legendary oil mogul of the Netherlands East Indies. Having first started in Intelligence at the time of the First World War, Allen Dulles was still closely linked with Rockefeller oil interests when he became DCI (Director of Central Intelligence) in the1950s.” 
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Without grasping the scale of such machinations, the careers of Kissinger and Kraemer remain more crepuscular than clear.
Although U.S. intelligence agencies tried to vet those Nazis they recruited after WWII, there were so many agencies that a man, rejected by one, could try his chances with another.
“It is the story of how honorable men, and some not so honorable, were so blinded by the Red menace that they fell into lockstep with Nazi designs.” So wrote Mae Brussell, in The Rebel, in 1983-84. 
Fail with the OSS; try the U.S. Army Counter Intelligence Corps. Now the Intelligence and Security Command, it would have numerous alumni, including Klaus Barbie, the Gehlen Organization and Otto von Bolschwing.
As a result of the Allied occupation of Germany the American intelligence agencies shared assets with the Gehlen organization, the nascent West German intelligence service. Reinhard Gehlen specialised in handling East European emigres, such as the White Russians who would befriend Lee Harvey Oswald when he returned from the Soviet Union in June 1962.
Many of these assets like von Bolschwing were taken to the U.S. where they provided a means for the German post-Nazis to influence American politics. The CIA, who hired von Bolschwing in 1950, helped hide his Nazi past. 
He lied about working for the Sicherheitsdienst (SD) the intelligence service of the SS, where he was at one stage in charge of Palestine and handled relations with Jewish paramilitary group Haganah.
Von Bolschwing arranged for Hagana to run training camps in Germany where Jewish youth would sharpen their military skills, and be encouraged to emigrate to Palestine to join the struggle for the Jewish state. In exchange, Haganah spied on British political and military operations in Palestine for the SD.
In a 1937 memorandum he wrote that creating an “anti-Jewish atmosphere” would encourage them to migrate. Von Bolschwing was also Adolf Eichmann’s senior adviser on Zionist affairs.
It may seem surprising therefore that von Bolschwing became a member of president Richard Nixon’s circle, through his ties to Elmer Bobst of Warner-Lambert Pharmaceutical, a sponsor of Nixon.
He even gained sensitive Pentagon contracts in the 1960s through a California company TCI, where his translator for German projects was Helene van Damme, later to become governor Ronald Reagan’s appointments secretary and U.S. Ambassador to Austria.
This social whirl was chronicled by Mae Brussell in her radio broadcasts and writings from the 1960s until her untimely death in 1988: SS Commandant Karl Wolff linked to Treblinka concentration camp; Emmy Goering (Hermann’s second wife, and Hitler’s frequent hostess); her lawyer Melvin “King of Torts” Belli (also the lawyer of Erroll Flynn, and Jack Ruby after he shot Oswald); and William Taub, a lawyer who claimed he’d negotiated with Kissinger for Teamster boss Jimmy Hoffa to fly to Vietnam to negotiate the release of American prisoners of war.
These names mean less to today’s generations: only know that the powers behind the scenes were Rockefeller’s Standard Oil of New Jersey, owned via the Rockefeller Chase Manhattan Bank, and I.G. Farben (partly Rockefeller owned) and the Bank for International Settlements.
Rockefeller lawyer, John J. McCloy, was one of those who gamed the match, paying both sides of the team. The list of his appointments is almost to long to list. He would sit next to Hitler at the 1936 Olympics.
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He would be at the heart of key wartime decisions as an assistant secretary in the War Department and would later be the post-war U.S. high commissioner for Germany, saving many Nazis from prosecution. Among the more brutal that he protected was Klaus Barbie, whom he hid within the Counter Intelligence Corps at Oberammergau — under the supervision of Private Kissinger.
Barbie and SS colonel Otto Skorzeny would help train the “Nazified” terror squads in Latin America to keep it free of communist influence, and tutor the next generation, such as Chilean national socialist Franz Pfeiffer Richter. Skorzeny would also work closely with the Mossad to hunt down fellow-German rocket scientists who had been hired by Egypt. 
As early as mid-1943, fully two years before Germany would lose the war, top Nazis were preparing for their next move. Albert Speer, as head of munitions and war production, and major general Walter Dornberger, boss of future head of NASA Wernher von Braun, met at Peenemunde rocket base to relocate technology. This was followed by the August 1944 Red House meeting chaired by head of the Nazi party Martin Bormann, in which industrialists discussed how their interests and wealth would survive defeat.
It suggests that not only did individuals plan their escape in advance, but that it was prepared on an industrial scale through the corporate might of the owner investors who had sponsored, or at least hijacked, the Nazi project.
Kissinger would enter Harvard under McCloy’s patronage as Rockefeller “talent scout.”
Kraemer is often called the “ideological godfather to the neo-conservatives,” and still, 20 years after his death, casts his influence on Dick Cheney and co.
This misses the more dry (cynical?) observation that Kissinger and Kraemer were operating within the paradigm set by the globalists, and their long march through Versailles, the League of Nations, the treaties between Germany and Russia of Rapallo and Molotov–Ribbentrop and the still-hidden maneouverings that blew them apart; the Trilateral Commission, CFR, Bilderberg embrace of China and subsequent folding of the Soviet tent; and today’s further push for banker hegemony with a universal digital ledger, or CBDC.
The Nazi plan for a United States of Europe was taken up by the CIA which financed its founding bureaucrats. 
Kissinger would open up markets, justified by the need to dominate resources and neutralise competition; his successor under president Jimmy Carter, Zbigniew Brzezinski would use the claim of spreading democracy and human rights — surely a less honest pretext, since discredited by the electoral shenanigans in the U.S. and the Covid response.
It was arguably Kraemer’s perspective, circumscribed morally, that gave rigidity to Kissinger’s realpolitic. Kissinger in practice was guided by his close association with the oiler-bankers; Brzezinski likewise, but in argument on another rung below. It is the latter two “visions” in their cynicism — or the lack of morality — that is driving the world into a small-minded, anti-humanitarian cul-de-sac where the measure of achievement is how efficiently and quickly they can depopulate the planet.