Key quotes in this interview:
“The globalists are working overtime and they’re very powerful; they’re not about to let the system fall without a fight and without a great deal of deception.”
“People must be aware of the plan [for World War 3]. They must recognise it when it happens: that our globalist leaders are betraying us, that it isn’t an accident that a first strike [will be] allowed to fall on US and British nuclear forces. It is a planned betrayal of national sovereignty.”
There is an anti-globalist uprising across Europe and with the election of President Trump, but “Trump was an anomaly; the globalists did not intend Trump to win the election and are having, successfully, to manipulate him to follow a globalist agenda. Trump talked about globalism in his campaign, but he can’t see it in front of his eyes because he doesn’t know the details about false flag operations; he doesn’t know how to dig deep and decapitate the globalist dark side of government.”
“The UK, in my opinion, is going through a grand deception in Theresa May running Brexit. The telltale sign was [her] bill to inculcate the whole of EU law into British law. Why do that? Once inculcated into law, it’s very difficult to remove. You’re being set up to absorb this by assimilation: you think you’ve had Brexit, and yet she has basically betrayed Brexit by putting [the entire acquis communautaire] into UK law.”
Skousen begins by describing his realisation early in life that Communism and socialism were merely being used by people higher up in the West to introduce a distinct brand of tyranny, and that military victories which Western countries won were being turned into defeats through secret negotiations. Skousen and his British counterpart Christopher Story were the only Western analysts who identified in 1991 that the collapse of the USSR was as fake as KGB defectors were saying it was.
He outlines the essential principles of liberty which he later identified — principles historically reasserted in the English-speaking countries’ constitutions — and how God-given inalienable rights are to be identified and maintained in our day: essentially by the steady growth of confident common-law groups emerging from tyranny, groups which require a commitment to liberty from every member who is born into or joins the group.
The central part of the discussion contains several case-studies in the spread of globalism during the overt lifetime of the Communist Eastern Bloc and since “the phony fall of the Soviet Union”, and provides insights into how both the Western/Globalist and the Asian powers’ leaderships have an abiding interest in surreptitiously provoking World War 3 to further their aims. His mid-century case-studies are: nuclear technology transfer to Stalin through the Manhattan Project and Lend-Lease; the betrayer of US nuclear secrets Alger Hiss (in the post-war Roosevelt Administration), who oversaw the writing of the UN Charter as a globalist manifesto; British “third way” Fabianism; the Cuban coup; the Chinese Communist revolution; the State Department’s undermining of General MacArthur in the Korean War; and the orchestrated loss of the Vietnam War.
While many focus on indications that NATO has recently adopted a ‘first-strike doctrine’ which supposedly will obliterate Russia and China, Skousen’s analysis focuses particularly on the still-classified Presidential Decision Directive 60 (PDD/NSC 60) of 1997 on the use of the US nuclear arsenal, signed by the globalists’ place-man Clinton and still in force, which is “setting the United States up for failure in a pre-emptive nuclear strike”. This, he argues, is because the Directive has replaced the Cold War doctrine of authorising ICBM launch when US satellites detect launch activity in Russia or China with a globalist doctrine of waiting for the missiles to strike their military targets and then supposedly still being able to retaliate. This makes the US (and UK) strategic nuclear forces sitting ducks, and their servicemen misled by the claim from on high that they can still win a war by being the second side to launch ICBMs. “Friends in the military still think that they can launch on warning, but they can’t, because PDD 60 also removed the alternate launch codes so that submarine commanders cannot launch without direction from the White House. They do not, any longer, have alternate launch codes in case communications are cut off.”
As Skousen later points out: “Putin is blocking the globalists in the Middle Eastbut he still has evil World War 3 intentions, and it’s my feeling that the globalists are going to let a first strike fall on the US, and perhaps British strategic military forces, so that our leaders can come out of their bunkers and say, ‘Now, the only way that we can survive, and prosecute World War 3, is to join together in a militarised global government’ — that’s one thing the globalists still do not have. In one fell swoop, that will destroy the [presently growing] opposition to globalism.”
The final third of the discussion (from 30’) addresses the question: “What can we do about globalism?” Skousen’s advice is that we all “call a spade a spade” and “tell the truth, not be afraid to speak openly that there is a conspiracy”, even though “it’s very complicated and hard for normal people to wrap their eyes around”. In this section, he reviews present-day conspiracies such as the US-Iran nuclear enrichment ‘deal’; a high-level City of London meeting attended by a whistleblower who told the world that bankers were enraged at Israel’s failure to provoke the globalists’ planned World War 3 by bombing Iran; the creation of ISIS in Iraq, its spread to Syria and the 2013 Ghouta false flag chemical attack east of Damascus; the April 2017 repeat of the Syria false flag technique at Khan Sheikhoun; “the phony coup in Ukraine” (“One thing you can tell about a phony coup is that the mainstream media don’t expose what should be obvious to any rational observer … and that nobody [identifiable] gives the troops the orders to stay in barracks”); and the potential for rehashing the methodology whereby Hitler was defeated by cutting a deal with the Eurasian powers, this time with a militarised Communist China (after having been induced to destroy Russia from the rear) being maintained as the raison d’être for continued militarised global government, just as the persistent assertiveness of Stalin independent of Western control networks was used to kickstart the Cold War surveillance state after 1945. “And that’s how we lose our freedom.”
“After decades explaining away [Soviet] aggression and wanting Russia to increase its armaments for their World War 3 agenda, suddenly, when Russia starts to stop the globalist agenda in the Middle East, the globalists turn against Russia, and that’s what explains all this false ‘intelligence’ about Russian interference in elections … The globalists know that the Russians and Chinese don’t want to destroy the Western economy. They don’t want to hit cities. They want to establish their own version of the New World Order, and so that’s why they’re planning on hitting the US military, to decapitate and then blackmail the West into submission. But our globalist leaders in the UK and the US [will] then come out of their bunkers and say, ‘OK, well, let’s fight. We will stop them from striking us any more, and let’s regroup under a militarised global government’.”
In an age of unparalleled disinformation (much of it actively promoted by globalists to discredit their opponents), Joel Skousen stresses the importance of using accurate information to expose globalism and so is working on his latest book, The Modern History of Conspiratorial Power. We hope to interview him again soon on this, and on suitable techniques for physical survival in the densely-populated European context.