TAP – Russia’s elites are offered a place at the high table of The New World Order in return for agreeing to the recognition that nations are no longer to be the building blocks of world stability. Surprisingly Putin’s a buyer to this proposal from Kissinger. He’s now apparently not holding out for a return to Russian independence as he has claimed, or for Russian national influence to be reestablished, but for Russia’ s powerful elites to assist in the creation of a single global power structure, of which they will become a part, while the Russian people and all the human populations of the world are sold down the river.
Putin praises Kissinger as a great statesman, and apparently wants to accept this offer of a place at the high table of world power. He might recall visits of Blair to Colonel Gaddafi promising a similar deal a few years ago, which was not exactly complied with. It plays Putin to play along for now whatever his ultimate aims and beliefs. He knows that the threat to Russia from NATO is building, but also that also Russia’s military capabilities are growing fast. Buying time is clearly one of his aims. Kissinger too wants to buy time for NATO to catch up with the technological superiority of Russian weaponry, and slow or curtail Putin’s and Russia’s ambitions.
Sputnik News reports –
Kissinger said –
“The nature of the turmoil is in itself unprecedented. Until quite recently, global international threats were identified with the accumulation of power by a dominating state. Today threats more frequently arise from the disintegration of state power and the growing number of ungoverned territories.”
“This spreading power vacuum,” Kissinger explains, “cannot be dealt with by any state, no matter how powerful, on an exclusively national basis. It requires sustained cooperation between the United States and Russia, and other major powers. Therefore the elements of competition, in dealing with the traditional conflicts in the interstate system, must be constrained so that the competition remains within bounds and creates conditions which prevent a recurrence.”
Russian-US Disagreements in Ukraine and Syria Must Be Considered From a Broader Standpoint
“There are, as we know, a number of divisive issues before us, Ukraine or Syria as the most immediate. For the past few years, our countries have engaged in episodic discussions of such matters without much notable progress. This is not surprising, because the discussions have taken place outside an agreed strategic framework. Each of the specific issues is an expression of a larger strategic one.”
“Ukraine needs to be embedded in the structure of European and international security architecture in such a way that it serves as a bridge between Russia and the West, rather than as an outpost of either side.”
“Regarding Syria,” the statesman suggested, “it is clear that the local and regional factions cannot find a solution on their own. Compatible US-Russian efforts coordinated with other major powers could create a pattern for peaceful solutions in the Middle East and perhaps elsewhere.”
Ultimately, Kissinger emphasizes, “any effort to improve relations must include a dialogue about the emerging world order. What are the trends that are eroding the old order and shaping the new one? What challenges do the changes pose to both Russian and American national interests? What role does each country want to play in shaping that order, and what position can it reasonably and ultimately hope to occupy in that world order? How do we reconcile the very different concepts of world order that have evolved in Russia and the United States – and in the other major powers – on the basis of historical experience?”
“The goal,” he concludes, “should be to develop a strategic concept for US-Russian relations within which the points of contention may be managed.”
Kissinger, it seems, has Moscow’s ear, if his latest discussion with the Russian president is any indication. Does he have Washington’s?
Henry Kissinger served as Secretary of State under Presidents Richard Nixon and Gerald Ford between 1973 and 1977. In 1973, he won the Nobel Peace Prize for the ceasefire and withdrawal of US troops from Vietnam. Kissinger also pioneered Washington’s policy of détente toward the Soviet Union, and improved US relations with China. In US foreign policy thought, he has long been a proponent of the realist school, suggesting that while the US and Russia are destined to compete strategically, Washington cannot deny Russia its right to exist as a world power and as a state.